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By rescinding the expansive regulatory definition of “harm” under the Endangered Species Act and returning to Justice Scalia’s narrower textual reading that limits “take” to direct actions against individual animals, federal agencies have struck a blow for property rights, reduced unnecessary land-use controls, and restored freer market incentives.

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In July 2026, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service FWS andNational Marine Fisheries Service NMFS finalized a rule rescinding the longstanding regulatory definition of “harm” under the Endangered Species Act ESA  Dating to the mid-1970s, the previous rule determined that significant habitat modification or degradation was a form of “taking” if it impaired essential behaviors like breeding, feeding, or sheltering and thereby killed or injured wildlife. The agency’s new and narrower reading from the late Justice Scalia’s dissent ensures “take”  refers to affirmative acts directed at particular animals such as killing, capturing, or wounding. This would be more consistent with the ordinary and historical meaning of the term, as habitat modification alone no longer qualifies as “prohibited take” under the regulation. Scalia’s dissent correctly observed that treating diffuse, unintentional habitat effects as “harm” stretches the term far beyond its companions and the traditional legal meaning of “take” applied to wild animals.

In ordinary terms, “take” covers a broad range of actions that can disturb, injure, chase, catch, or kill a protected animal. It is currently not limited to deliberate hunting, intentional killing, or any affirmative conduct and includes extremely broad categories like habitat changes. The ESA makes it unlawful to take a listed animal without a permit. The new narrower reading will alter this to require affirmative conduct directed at particular animals rather than indirect effects. 

Regulation should track what Congress actually wrote in law, not decades of agency expansion. Broad habitat-based liability created uncertainty, permitting costs, and litigation risk for landowners whose activities were never directed at animals protected under the ESA

The rule change substantially reduces the ESA’s endless red tape and de-facto land-use restriction on private property.This rulemaking does not repeal the ESA, critical-habitat designations, or Section 7 consultation duties for federal actions; it simply stops treating ordinary private land uses (building, farming, timber, etc.) as presumptive “takes” solely because they alter habitat.

>>>READ: Endangered Species Modernization and Genetic Rescue Will Flip The Script On Conservation

This newfound clarity immensely improves incentives. When landowners face lower risk that routine activities will be recharacterized as illegal “takes,” they can invest, develop, or conserve more efficiently rather than navigating costly legal consultations or defensive under-use of land.In short, the change restores a tighter textual interpretation, ends an expansive use of the ESA as private land-use control, eases a documented constraint on housing construction with large cumulative and ongoing effects.

Seemingly minor regulatory changes like this can have immense impact. 

Research indicates that the prior interpretation of the ESA eliminated 6.3 million housing units, or roughly 4% of the 2025 U.S. stock, mostly in high-demand metro areas and coastal California. Back-of-the-envelope projections suggest this could raise annual housing permits by 100,000 or more units nationally. That’s a huge deal, as the U.S. is currently facing a housing shortage of an estimated 7.2 million units.  More housing supply directly addresses the current shortage, which especially harms young Americans via scarcity, high prices, reduced labor mobility, and related welfare losses.

Paradoxically, this regulatory change may actually help prevent the unnecessary killing of endangered animals. 

The old broad “harm” rule created a perverse incentive best described by economists as “Shoot, shovel, and shut up.” The intention of the ESA was to protect endangered species, but too often the result was to incentivize private landowners who discovered or feared discovering an endangered species to simply kill the animals. Having an endangered species on their property often meant facing severe restrictions on land use, development, farming, or timbering because habitat modification itself counted as illegal “take.” After all, landowners knew that if the FWS or NMFS became aware of the species the value of their land would be greatly reduced due to a plethora of bureaucratic restrictions. To avoid costly permits, lawsuits, devalued land, or locked-up property rights… some simply killed the animals, buried the evidence, and stayed silent rather than report them or conserve habitat.

This unintended consequence of the ESA was extremely common, but under Scalia’s reading, narrowing “take” to direct, affirmative acts against individual animals means ordinary land-use activities no longer automatically trigger ESA liability merely because protected species are present. The regulatory threat that previously punished coexistence is massively reduced. Landowners therefore have less reason to eliminate animals preemptively and more reason to tolerate, report, or even encourage them…especially since many listed species depend heavily on private land. This shifts incentives from secret destruction toward voluntary stewardship, which can produce better real-world outcomes for the species than a rule that drove them underground!

Texas A&M University research team is exploring whether microscopic, fish-like robots could recover lithium from seawater, potentially creating another supply option for battery and energy-storage manufacturers.

The project has received a $1 million award from the U.S. Department of Energy. It is one of 19 federally funded initiatives focused on expanding domestic access to critical minerals and reducing supply-chain exposure.

Rather than relying on fixed membranes or large stationary treatment systems, the proposed technology would use mobile micro- and nanoparticles designed to move through seawater and interact directly with lithium ions.

Read more in E+E Leader here.

Researchers at Chonnam National University in South Korea have developed an artificial intelligence mapping method that combines drone imagery with ground-based LiDAR data to improve how agricultural robots locate themselves and navigate commercial orchards.

The work targets a familiar problem in agricultural automation. Orchard canopies can interfere with satellite positioning, while repeated rows and similar-looking trees give autonomous navigation systems relatively few distinctive landmarks. As a robot travels farther, small positioning errors can compound, reducing the accuracy needed for operations such as spraying, crop monitoring, transport and harvesting.

Led by Kyeong-Hwan Lee of the university’s Department of Convergence Biosystems Engineering, the research was published June 1, 2026, in Artificial Intelligence in Agriculture after appearing online in March.

Read more in E+E Leader here.

I run a company trying to make American electricity cheaper and more reliable. The single biggest operational constraint is not the technology, the financing, or the physics of the grid. It is the thousands of city building departments that each have a different way of saying yes — and many more ways of saying no.

Case in point: Two of our members — homeowners who let us install a backup battery, about the size of an outdoor AC unit, and who get below-market electricity rates in return — live eight miles apart. Each of their installations, on nearly identical homes, involved identical batteries and an identical installation team. But the red tape was anything but identical.

Read more in Utility Dive here.

This piece was initially published in RealClearEnergy.

Lawmakers in both parties are scrambling to address the issues revealed by data centers. President Donald Trump, his administration officials, and several governors (including Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro) signed on to a statement of principles that encourage data centers to bring their own power or pay for the power they need.

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But officials should also champion specific state legislative reforms that could keep Pennsylvania growing without compromising grid reliability or affordable electricity. By creating room for innovation in the electricity industry, Pennsylvania’s industrial powerhouse could be unleashed just as the rest of the grid gets tight.

Pennsylvanians are worried that the artificial intelligence boom will drive up electricity bills, and for good reason. Data centers accounted for an estimated 63% of the increase in electric capacity demand across the PJM Interconnection between 2025 and 2026, contributing to billions of dollars in additional costs across the region. PECO (formerly Philadelphia Electric Company) recently sought a 13% rate increase.

Federal regulators recognize the same challenge. “The status quo across much of the country is not good enough,” said Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) Chairman Laura Swett. “Nowhere close.”

But retail bills are a state responsibility, as FERC also acknowledged. That means Pennsylvania cannot rely solely on federal reforms to ensure that new industrial customers pay their own way.

Voters understand the problem intuitively. If a new factory or data center requires major investments in electric infrastructure, ordinary households should not be forced to foot the bill. Some 81% of Pennsylvania voters support requiring technology companies to fund their own energy infrastructure needs.

Accordingly, Shapiro proposed the Governor’s Responsible Infrastructure Development (GRID) standards, which would encourage data center developers to generate their own power or pay for grid upgrades.

Yes, new loads should pay for the infrastructure they require rather than shifting the cost onto households. This is a good policy that the state’s Public Utility Commission has already adopted.

But Shapiro would bundle that sound principle with two problematic policies: an escalating energy portfolio mandate (similar to Pennsylvania’s Alternative Energy Portfolio Standards) and a discretionary certification that lets the state decide which projects qualify for privileged tax exemptions. This pairing awkwardly imposes a de-facto tax on most projects while freeing up tax exemptions for a favored few.

>>>READ: How Data Centers Can Drive Energy Innovation

In any case, GRID reaches only customers who connect to the existing grid. Increasingly, major industrial projects are choosing a different path: building independent power systems outside the traditional utility framework and bypassing the grid entirely.

That trend points toward a reform that would entice the industrial customers who would rather not connect to the broader grid: light-touch regulation for customers who build or contract for electricity service through new independent power networks.

Call it consumer-regulated electricity (CRE). The principle is straightforward: If large customers would rather create or join a new electricity network than plug into the existing one, they should be free to do so without being subject to rules designed for public utilities. It’s a simple legislative change that would implement Shapiro’s pay-your-own-way policy.

Data centers are only part of the story. Because CRE would respond to the need for “speed to power,” large customers of all types, including advanced manufacturing facilities, would see Pennsylvania as a growth opportunity. Many industrial developers now face years of delays due to interconnection studies, transmission upgrades, utility-planning processes, and regulatory approvals. In some regions, obtaining grid service can take four to six years—or longer. New electricity networks offer a faster path to electricity service than the legacy grid can accommodate.

>>>READ: Blocking Data Centers Won’t Make Electricity Cheaper

Just as important, CRE would open a market-based system built on voluntary exchange, not political privilege. Under the traditional utility model, complex regulatory proceedings or political dealings often decide who pays for new infrastructure or who is lucky enough to get service. These are areas where regulated utilities thrive, and no consumer can be quite as savvy. Instead, CRE would rely on private contracts among willing parties.

Finally, Pennsylvania families would benefit because new industrial projects would no longer rely on regulated utility infrastructure that socializes costs and risks to grid reliability across millions of customers. If a data center succeeds, private investors benefit. If it fails, private investors bear the loss. Either way, ordinary ratepayers will remain protected, and Pennsylvania’s growth won’t come at anyone’s expense.

Electricity-hungry industries should pay for the new power infrastructure they need. Allowing investors to set up their own power networks would guarantee consumer protection and offer a new path for industrial development.

Pennsylvanians don’t have to choose between prosperity and affordability; they can have both.

Travis Fisher is director of energy and environmental policy studies at the Cato Institute. 

Joshua Schubert is a policy analyst at the Commonwealth Foundation, Pennsylvania’s free-market think tank.

American Electric Power secured 3 GW of gas turbine capacity in the second quarter, bringing its total turbine supply that can be deployed by 2031 to about 13 GW, Bill Fehrman, AEP chairman, president and CEO, said Thursday during a quarterly earnings conference call.

AEP has also secured options for an additional 10 GW of turbines by 2035, according to Fehrman.

Read more in Utility Dive here!

Congress is running short on time to pass a comprehensive permitting reform package before the lame duck this fall. On the table awaiting votes are bills reforming the National Environmental Policy Act, Endangered Species Act, and Clean Air Act. The National Historic Preservation Act, which has recently gained traction as a permitting barrier to projects, has received comparatively little attention in Congress.

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On July 24, however, the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation (ACHP) voted to advance a draft proposed rule that would change how the NHPA Section 106 process is implemented. Among other reforms, it would substantially change how agencies conduct the Section 106 process. It would reform how historic properties are defined, which effects count as adverse, and would streamline certain program alternatives and reviews. 

The NHPA is a landmark law designed to protect historic, archaeological, and cultural resources. It was enacted after rapid development after World War 2 destroyed many meaningful cultural and historic sites. Its core compliance process, Section 106 mandates that federal agencies “take into account” the effect of a federal undertaking on historic properties.

While Section 106 is purely procedural, over time the regulations have strayed from the initial intent of “stop, look, and listen,” before continuing with a project. Over time, the implementing regulations have led to lengthy reviews that cover enormous amounts of land and mitigation requirements that can invite litigation. The proposed rule aims to rightsize the process and align it more closely with the statutory text.

As the ACHP noted in the proposed rule, the current regulations for implementing Section 106, NHPA’s core compliance process, can create confusion and exacerbate permitting delays for energy projects and other infrastructure. When no historic properties are identified, or state and tribal preservation offices have modernized databases and systems, the current process generally works well. 

Yet, the ACHP pointed to a permitting study that showed that, in extreme cases, review timelines have reached between five and seven years when combined with other permitting statutes. In more standard cases, typical transmission and pipeline projects can still take two years or more. 

>>>READ: Restoring Predictability to Historic Preservation Review

If the proposal is finalized, the typical process of determining if an undertaking has historic properties, assessing its impacts, and determining how to address any effects would be consolidated into one “Section 106 Report.” The ACHP and state and tribal preservation officers can then provide feedback to agencies before the agency issues a “memorandum of decision” addressing how it will handle adverse effects or if other considerations will outweigh the historic preservation of those properties. 

Currently, when projects reach what is known as the “memorandum of agreement” process, agencies and relevant parties agree how they will mitigate, minimize, or avoid effects. The memorandum of decision process would, as the document states, align that with the statutory text of Section 106. It would clarify that the agency ultimately has final say and that economic impacts and cost considerations should be incorporated into decision making.

Consolidating the review into one report could streamline the process. At the same time, asking consulting parties to respond after the agency has developed much of its analysis could reduce opportunities to identify and resolve concerns earlier in the process.

As C3 Solutions recommended in Modernizing Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act, removing indirect and cumulative effects from what constitutes an “adverse effect” and limiting review to effects with a close, causal relationship to the undertaking is a welcome step forward in the ACHP’s proposal. When it comes to multijurisdictional projects, however, agencies may still disagree on what constitutes an “adverse effect” and so the finalized rule should include the mandatory designation of a lead agency for better coordination on projects. 

Aligning NHPA reform with NEPA is likewise important because the same federal actions often trigger both statutes, and so they can be litigated together. Bringing Section 106 closer to the standard the Supreme Court set in Seven County by focusing review on the undertaking itself, rather than separate upstream projects or speculative effects, could reduce delay and the risk that litigants use the NHPA to pursue similarly expansive claims.

Making public comment optional, however, may do more harm than good. One alternative would be to retain the public comment period while requiring parties to raise any concerns during that period. Those that fail to do so would be barred from suing the agency over the specific decision years down the line.That could ease endless litigation concerns, but still retain the collaborative nature of historic preservation. 

Another adjacent C3 proposed reform–to encourage agencies’ use of programmatic agreements to streamline routine projects– has similarities to the proposed rule. If implemented, the ACHP would eliminate certain programmatic alternatives that aren’t used, while encouraging agencies to use the remaining ones more frequently. Programmatic alternatives are tailored processes that allow agencies more flexibility in Section 106 review. They have been used successfully by agencies, including the Federal Highway Administration to streamline routine transportation projects, as well as the Forest Service to phase review on critical forest management projects. 

>>>READ: Modernizing the National Historic Preservation Act

Reforms should help protect historic sites while providing more certainty and clarity to the process. However, it is also important that state and tribal offices have the resources necessary for proper consultation. Without congressionally allocated resources to help states and tribes build more robust databases for early consultation and more efficient processes, the changes may not accomplish the intended objectives. Washington and Utah have shown that with the right resources and platforms, review timelines and costs decrease. Better Geographic Information System (GIS) databases nationwide that store and map archaeological data, similar to Washington’s WISAARD platform, would speed reviews significantly, all while ensuring historic and cultural sites remain preserved. 

The proposal’s clarification that applicants for federal funding or permits should be invited to participate as consulting parties could also improve early coordination and project planning. Clarifying that Section 106 doesn’t mandate any specific outcome shouldn’t have to come with a disregard for these resources. Congress and the ACHP should explore voluntary, incentive-based preservation measures where parties that collaborate early on and agree upon mitigation, minimization, or avoidance measures could receive some incentive. 

Once reviewed by the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs and published in the Federal Register, the proposal will sit in a 30-day public comment period. The final rule should preserve meaningful consultation while bringing Section 106 closer to its intended purpose so energy and environmental projects can move forward without unnecessary delay. 

Wildfires in Washington and Oregon have forced evacuations, caused power outages, and burned hundreds of thousands of acres as firefighters battle dozens of massive fires across the Pacific Northwest.

Why it matters: The blazes are among 99 active large fires burning across the U.S. as this year’s wildfire season exceeds the 10-year average for both the number of fires and the acres burned, according to the National Interagency Fire Center.

Read more in Axios here.

History keeps repeating itself in the smoldering forests of southwest France, now ash-covered and charred.

Devastated by previous blazes in 2022 and 1949, when 82 people died, the largest human-made woodland in Western Europe has again been ravaged by wildfires which burned an area four times the size of Paris. 

The forests of Les Landes — covering 10,000 square kilometers (3,860 square miles) — were created in the 19th century for timber and resin production. They comprise endless rows of pines in neat, close lines, which works against them in a wildfire, with flames jumping easily from one tree to another.

Read more in AP News here.

The federal government is proposing potentially steep cuts to water used by California, Arizona and Nevada, a major step toward figuring out the management of the dwindling Colorado River.

The river provides water to states throughout the West, including drinking water and water for agricultural, industrial and municipal uses.

As the West becomes drier, figuring out how to manage the shrinking resource has been a challenge. 

Read more in the Hill here.

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