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MIT researchers have developed a new fabrication method that could enable the production of more energy efficient electronics by stacking multiple functional components on top of one existing circuit.

In traditional circuits, logic devices that perform computation, like transistors, and memory devices that store data are built as separate components, forcing data to travel back and forth between them, which wastes energy.

This new electronics integration platform allows scientists to fabricate transistors and memory devices in one compact stack on a semiconductor chip. This eliminates much of that wasted energy while boosting the speed of computation.

Read more in MIT News here.

With all the talk of incredible energy demand projections for the next few years, it’s easy to brush them off as hype. In fact, it’s hard to keep up. Every time we hear a new projection, it’s higher than the last. Just last week, Department of Energy Secretary Chris Wright said we’re going to need 100 GW of new firm generation capacity within five years due to growing demands from AI and data centers.

How much power is that? Roughly enough to run 72 million American homes. According to the Census Bureau, there are about 148 million homes in the United States. To put it simply, we’ll need to generate enough new electricity in the next five years to power half of all U.S. homes. That herculean task will require laying thousands of miles of new gas pipelines, building transmission lines and substations, and constructing new generation facilities across the country.

Read more in Utility Dive here.

This piece was initially published in The National Interest.

The Clean Air Act (CAA) is now 55 years old—and shows its age. That’s not a critique of its legacy. The law, in conjunction with innovation and private investment in environmental improvement, has contributed to significant improvements in air quality, public health, and environmental protection. But its regulatory framework still operates like it’s 1970, often resulting in costly, inefficient regulations that stifle economic growth for little environmental gain. It’s time to modernize the Clean Air Act—not to abandon its ambitions but to upgrade its approach. 

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A Track Record Worth Celebrating

Americans today breathe far cleaner air than in the 1970s. National parks have clearer vistas. Acid-rain damage has declined. These environmental triumphs helped improve, save, and support economic growth.

When it comes to environmental quality, the data speak for themselves. The Yale Environmental Performance Index ranksthe United States among the top global leaders in air quality. According to the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), between 1970 and 2020, US emissions of the six major “criteria” pollutants—carbon monoxide, sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, coarse and fine particulate matter, lead, and ozone precursors—dropped by 78 percent even as the economy, population, and energy use all grew. 

Ambient air concentrations also fell dramatically. From 1980 to recent years, EPA data show carbon monoxide concentrations down ~73 percent, nitrogen dioxide (annual standard) down ~61 percent, ozone down ~25 percent, and sulfur dioxide one-hour standard down ~91 percent. For lead, concentrations fell by ~86 percent between 1980 and 2005. 

The World Changed, But the Clean Air Act Hasn’t Much 

Despite these successes, the regulatory machinery behind the Clean Air Act has often failed to evolve. The federal agency charged with implementing it—the EPA—continues to treat air pollution as though we still lived in an era dominated by coal-smoke chimneys, massive sulfur stacks, and heavy-duty industrial smokestacks. 

That 1970s-style toolbox is now mismatched to a cleaner, modernized, and more innovative 21st-century economy. Compliance costs under CAA regulations have ballooned—sometimes with only marginal environmental or public-health gains to show. 

Meanwhile, the EPA’s regulatory reach has expanded far beyond what most Americans traditionally think of as “air quality.” Through sweeping rules on greenhouse gas emissions and fuel economy standards, the agency imposes regulations that reshape entire sectors of the economy—with little regard for costs, economic trade-offs, or whether they make air cleaner in meaningful, localized ways. 

Adding insult to injury is the fact that different administrations ratchet up or down these regulations every four or eight years, not to mention the time and money spent in the courts. The regulatory whipsawing stymies investment, creates uncertainty, and fails to deliver meaningful improvements to the environment. 

What Modernization of the Clean Air Act Should Look Like

Serious proposals are on the table for updating how America regulates air quality. In March, the Competitive Enterprise Institute released a report detailing how to modernize air quality regulations. The report offers guardrails to prevent and reign in regulatory overreach, including: explicitly limiting the agency’s power to regulate greenhouse-gas emissions under the CAA; abolishing technological “one-size-fits-all” mandates; clarifying that EPA cannot impose highly aggressive emissions standards without robust and transparent cost-benefit analysis; and giving more flexibility to states, communities, and local authorities to craft air-quality solutions tailored to their particular circumstances. 

House Republicans are also thinking seriously about reform. On December 5, the Members of the Energy and Commerce Committee introduced four bills to update the Clean Air Act. The bills include

  • The Reducing and Eliminating Duplicative Environmental Regulations (RED Tape) Act, which ends unnecessary “second-review” obligations by the EPA under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) when another agency has already completed an environmental impact statement, thereby cutting redundant reviews and speeding up project approvals. 
  • The Foreign Emissions and Nonattainment Clarification for Economic Stability (FENCES) Act, which states that emissions originating outside the United States (e.g., from wildfires, international pollution) do not count against a state’s attainment status—preventing states and industries from being penalized for pollution they did not cause. 
  • The Fire Improvement and Reforming Exceptional Events (FIRE) Act, which updates how “exceptional events” (such as wildfires or prescribed burns) are treated under the Clean Air Act, gives states a more predictable, transparent way to exclude such events when evaluating air-quality compliance and issuing new permits. 
  • The Air Permitting Improvements to Protect National Security Act, which advanced manufacturing and critical-mineral facilities (critical to US supply chains and defense) for exemption from certain Clean Air Act (CAA) emissions-offset requirements when offsets are unavailable, while still requiring compliance with all other environmental standards. 

Modernization isn’t about loosening rules or providing giveaways to industry. Environmental policy will still hold polluters accountable. Instead, policy reforms will align regulations with current environmental conditions, scientific evidence, and economic realities. A modernized Clean Air Act can—and should—continue to protect the air we breathe while avoiding needless regulatory burdens that bring little additional benefit while stunting economic growth.  

It’s Time for Congress to Act 

Fifty-plus years after its landmark 1970 founding, the Clean Air Act has earned its place in American history. Its broad goals—cleaner air, healthier communities, environmental stewardship—remain as vital now as ever. But the methods by which we pursue those goals must evolve. EPA should embrace cost-benefit analysis, permit flexibility, realistic standards, and modern pollution-control technology. Sensible reforms can help guide air policy for the next half-century. 

Idaho and the U.S. Forest Service have signed an expanded Shared Stewardship agreement designed to increase active management, accelerate restoration, and reduce wildfire riskacross the state’s federal, state, and private forestlands. The renewed framework deepens the 2018 agreement and sets a target of reaching 100 million board feet of sustainable annual timber output within five years, doubling current levels under the Good Neighbor Authority.

Expanded Collaboration Amid Heightened Wildfire Pressures

Governor Brad Little framed the agreement as the next step in a statewide shift toward landscape-scale, cross-boundary forest management. “Idaho once again is leading the nation in collaborative, innovative approaches to improving forestlands in Idaho, and we’re just getting started,” he said.

Read more in E+E Leader here.

Some key Republicans are raising alarm over President Trump’s blessing for Nvidia to sell advanced semiconductor chips to China, warning that there are no real safeguards to prevent Beijing from using the technology to challenge American dominance in artificial intelligence.

Rep. John Moolenaar (R-Mich.) issued a stark warning on the X account of the Select Committee on Competition with China, which he chairs. 

“The CCP [Chinese Communist Party] will use these highly advanced chips to strengthen its military capabilities and totalitarian surveillance,” he said.

Read more in The Hill here.

This piece was initially published in RealClearEnergy.

Democrats are desperate to make the 2026 midterm elections about affordability, buoyed by their November victories, enthusiasm for their so-called Abundance Agenda, and polling showing President Donald Trump losing support on the economy.

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Prices remain stubbornly high, driven by long-term supply chain issues, elevated inflation, and economic factors beyond President Trump’s control. But the policies championed by the Democrats would make the problem significantly worse.

The Democratic Party has long supported direct government intervention in the economy to lower prices. For example, even before being energized by socialist darling Zohran Mamdani, polling revealed that a shocking 80% of Democrats support price controls.

Price controls not only demand increased, costly government bureaucracy for enforcement, but also don’t solve the root cause of the problem. As researchers have shown, price controls lead to rationing and corruption, as people and organizations lobby government authorities for preferential treatment, while also failing to suppress inflation, which returns as soon as the price controls are loosened. In other words, the politically connected will receive the benefits while the rest of American households will suffer. 

Similarly, other forms of heavy-handed government intervention, such as subsidies and regulations, impose costs on taxpayers and consumers.

Subsidies can lower prices in targeted industries, but when financed by deficits, they may add to inflation if they expand the money supply.

Perhaps even more damaging, almost every policy proposed by Democratic Party leaders demands increasing the regulatory burden that is already holding back our economy. Whether it’s re-imposing the Biden-era’s restrictive fuel efficiency standards, hyper-regulating industry over environmental impact concerns, or bringing back corporate climate or DEI disclosures, the only abundance the Democratic Party wants to produce is of red tape.

It seems the classic Ronald Reagan quote about how the Democrat Party views government still applies: “If it moves, tax it. If it keeps moving, regulate it. And if it stops moving, subsidize it.”  

Nowhere is this impulse to regulate more damaging than in the energy sector.

In Virginia, the state’s Clean Economy Act, which mandates a slew of green programs, is estimated to cost residential consumers nearly $300 a year.

On the other hand, from 2011 to 2024, Ohio families saved over $37 billion, or roughly $261 per household per year, thanks to energy deregulation that led to greater choice.

Time and again, blue states with the most regulations, like California, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, have the highest electricity rates. In contrast, red states with fewer regulatory barriers, like Oklahoma, Texas, and Nebraska, have the lowest rates.

In fact, the Energy Information Administration unsurprisingly found that low-regulation states that proactively increased energy supply by embracing both traditional and renewable sources had lower-than-average electricity prices.

But this is about more than consumer utility bills.

The CEO of the energy infrastructure company Williams recently said it cost twice as much to secure permits for a pipeline as it did to build the pipeline—and Williams is not unique. Permitting delays add billions of dollars to energy projects in America, with one recent transmission line project in the Pacific Northwest alone facing roughly $300 million in increased costs, in large part due to permitting red tape.

Such costs are not isolated. As Secretary of Energy Chris Wright recently said, “Energy is not a sector of the economy, it is the sector that enables every other sector.” America can’t manufacture vehicles, transport food, heat homes, or even turn on a smartphone without energy. So when regulations raise the cost of energy infrastructure, generation, and distribution, those costs are added to everything else we buy, pushing inflation higher.

That’s the danger of the Democratic agenda. For all their talk about abundance, their pro-regulation policies are actually an agenda of scarcity that will raise the cost of living for every American. 

For instance, only two Democrats voted for the SPEED Act in the House Natural Resources Committee last week. The bill would implement efficient permitting for all energy sources while maintaining strong environmental safeguards. While it is encouraging to hear Democrats talk the talk on permitting, their voting record has thus far proven to be unserious about addressing the problem. 

To really bring prices down, the Trump administration needs to stand true to free market principles: continue to deregulate, increase production of American energy, and allow all forms of energy—from nuclear and natural gas to solar and wind —to compete to bring the cleanest and most cost-effective options to the market in the fastest time.

The American people are justifiably frustrated with high prices. But they should know that no matter what the Democrats say, we can’t spend and regulate our way out of inflation.

A bill in the Wisconsin Legislature aims to incentivize the development of new nuclear power plants through state tax credits and would make nuclear power a high-priority energy source.

Under the bill, new nuclear plants coming online in 2030 or later would be able to qualify for tax credits based on their energy generation. The bill would also create a tax credit for nuclear plants that are relicensed by federal regulators.

State Rep. Shae Sortwell, R-Gibson, is one of the lawmakers who introduced the bill in the Assembly. He said it’s aimed at lessening the costs of bringing nuclear energy to Wisconsin.

Read more in Wisconsin Public Radio here.

A federal judge on Monday struck down President Trump’s halt on approvals of all wind power projects on federal lands and waters, dealing a significant legal setback to the administration’s campaign against wind farms.

Judge Patti B. Saris of the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts wrote that the president’s sweeping executive order, which halted all leasing of public lands and waters for new wind projects, was “arbitrary and capricious,” violating federal law.

Judge Saris, an appointee of President Bill Clinton, said the Interior Department had not provided a “reasoned explanation” of its decision to stop approving wind projects, as required by the Administrative Procedure Act. Instead, she said, the “agency defendants candidly concede that the sole factor they considered in deciding to stop issuing permits was the president’s direction to do so.”

Read more in the New York Times here.

The world’s biggest climate philanthropy has given $24.5 million to protect coastal ecosystems as part of a plan to create the planet’s first cross-border marine biosphere reserve, its head of nature told Reuters.

The four grants from the Bezos Earth Fund are intended to help local communities and organisations protect key marine areas in Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia, and Ecuador.

The grants form part of a plan to give $1 billion towards the world’s goal of protecting 30% of the planet’s land and oceans by 2030. As part of the ‘Protecting Our Planet Challenge’ with 10 other philanthropies, the group of donors is aiming to provide $5 billion over the same period.

Read more in Reuters here.

The Trump administration’s stop-work orders on renewable energy projects add an under-discussed layer of friction in the United States’ bid for energy dominance. While the effects of halting near-finished offshore wind projects are immediately apparent, the downstream political consequences could hobble the administration’s hopes for progress on both bipartisan permitting reform and their “build baby build” energy posture. The sudden demonization of American energy projects is just a page out of the left’s handbook, and it ultimately weakens the administration’s broader push for energy abundance.

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The bulk of the Trump administration’s pushback against renewable energy projects has been on environmental grounds. Focusing chiefly on topics such as marine life, wind patterns, ocean currents, and whale migration, the arguments against offshore wind rarely address the actual limitations of offshore wind, such as downtime, reliability, or their economic viability absent subsidies. Instead, they inadvertently provide a talking point for those who have sought to demonize energy projects, often in opposition to efforts by Trump’s own administrations. The misstep is hardly lost on the president’s critics, who have been quick to point out that many of the same environmental impacts he cites against offshore wind also apply to offshore oil drilling.

Tallying points in favor and against preferred energy sources is a losing strategy for Republicans, who have correctly opposed similar environmental fear-mongering. As President Biden went to war against fossil fuels, he left pragmatism at the door, focusing his case against LNG exports exclusively on poorly contextualized emissions statistics rather than weighing the trade-offs of each energy source and allowing the market to determine winners and losers.

Attempting to cancel approved offshore wind projects isn’t just an issue of narrative strategy, however; it also threatens to undermine permitting reform, which is vital to Trump administration’s goal of energy abundance By toying with projects’ permits after they have been approved, though, the president is sending mixed messages to would-be innovators and investors in energy projects, signaling that even surviving the permitting process doesn’t guarantee a project’s future. Strengthening project-certainty provisions would not only address this inconsistency but also help bring Democrats to the table, as many have pushed for NEPA language that protects permits once granted and prevents endless legal or political reversals.

Democrats have also taken notice of this inconsistency, with Ranking Member Henrich of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee arguing, “The elephant in the room now is the stop-work orders that the administration has put out because if you can ignore the law and you can stop someone’s job on a fully permitted project, then does permitting law really matter?” Other Democrats also underscore the difficulty of bipartisan movement on permitting reform without assurance for renewables projects, with Representative Suozzi of New York saying “If we keep on going in this process and we get near the finish line, and the argument becomes, ‘Hey, you guys are making this deal, and they’re not going to approve any of the green projects anyway,’ then it’s going to be very hard for us to keep the deal going forward.”

The renewable energy industry has benefited from subsidies and handouts much longer than necessary, but suddenly singling them out for increased administrative scrutiny is an improper overcorrection at an inopportune time. Politicizing economically viable projects only threatens reliable energy for families, businesses, and developing industries at a time when affordability is increasingly crucial. Using the same environmental arguments long employed by the left to block energy projects is a strategy that will backfire, and neither bodes well for fossil fuel development nor for crucial permitting reform. Allowing the renewable energy industry to compete fairly – without subsidies or interference – is a posture long overdue for political salience, energy dominance, and the American consumer.

Alina Voss is a fellow with ConservAmerica.

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